


rib 



ovw 



THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 



I make no secret of saying for myself and for my constituents 
that I am in favor of enlarging our borders and annexing these 
friendly islands as a Territory to the dominion of the United States. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HOE ELIJAH A! MORSE, M. C, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



Saturday, February 3, 1894. 



"W ^SHIlSTGrTOISr. 

1894. 



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)%4U 



7 



SPEECH 

or 

HON. ELIJAH A. MORSE, M. 0. 



The House having under consideration the resolution submitted by Mr. 
McCrbaby of Kentucky, from the Committee oh Foreign Affairs, condemn- 
ing the action of the United States minister in employing the United States 
naval forces in overthrowing the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian 
Islands, in January, 1893, and setting Up in its place a Provisional Govern- 
ment; heartily approving the principle announced by the President that in- 
terference with the domestic affairs of an independent nation is contrary to 
the spirit of American institutions; that the annexation of the Hawaiian 
Islands to Our country or the assumption of a protectorate over them by 
our Government is uncalled for and inexpedient; that the people of that 
country should have absolute freedom and independence in pursuing their 
line of policy, and that foreign intervention in the political affairs of the 
islands will not be regarded with indifference by the Government of the 
United States— 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. 
Morse] is recognized. 
Mr. MORSE said : 

Mr, Speaker : I can not hope to add anything to the learned 
and exhaustive presentation of my view of this case made by 
the distinguished gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hitt] and my 
colleague [Mr. Draper], or the gentleman from New Hamp- 
shire [Mr. Blair]. 

And but for the fact that Massachusetts has an especial and 
peculiar interest in the Hawaiian Islands I would remain silent. 
The first missionary to these islands was sent forth from Park 
Street Church, Boston, October 15, 1819. 

The efforts that resulted in reclaiming these islands from 
barbarism, cannibalism, and heathenism of the most revolting 
and degrading form— I say these missionary efforts were born 
amid prayers and tears of godly men and women of the old Com- 
monwealth I have in part the honor to represent. 

I say men and women of Massachusetts heard and obeyed the 
words of the lowly Nazarene, "Go ye into all the world and 

956 3 



preach the gospel to every creature;" and in obedience to that 
command men and women left homes of refinement, ease, culture, 
and wealth, and crossed oceans to these far-off islands to tell the 
story of Jesus and how he died for sinners. 
Joyfully these self-imposed exiles went forth singing — 

Jesus shall reign where'er the sun 

Doth successive journeys run; 
His kingdom stretch from shore to shore 
Till moons shall wax and wane no more. 

I say they left home and native land, and society and friends, 
and endured privation, hardship, and danger untold, to tell 
these dusky sons and daughters of the Pacific of One who left 
His home in glory to tell them of "One who was rich, and who 
for our sakes became poor, that we through His poverty might 
be made rich." 

Most of these pioneer missionaries have long since fallen asleep. 
They have long since gone to "seethe King in His beauty," 
whose they were and whom they served. They have joined the 
blood- washed throng. 

I asked them whence their victory came, 

And with united breath 
They ascribed their conquests to the Lamb, 

Their victory to His death. 

But, Mr. Speaker, their works do follow them — being dead, 
they yet speak. 

The result of the service of these disinterested, self-sacrificing 
heralds of the cross — the result, I say, of these labors, in elevating, 
Christianizing, civilizing, and exalting a once degraded people is 
apart of the world's history and need not be recounted here. 

Mr. Speaker, in the great day when the books are opened and 
the roll of the heroes and martyrs is called, among them will be 
the names of the early missionaries to the Sandwich Islands. 

And among those who hear the words of Jesus in the great 

day, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, my 

brethren, ye did it unto me," will be recited the names of the 

godly men and women who stood by the stuff at home, and with 

their prayers and money sustained the soldiers of the cross at the 

front in this far-off clime. 

Mr. Speaker, I believe it pains the good people of the United 
956 



States who are conversant with the history I have here recited, 
that the attitude of the President of the United States and the Sec- 
retary of State and his advisers should appear to be hostile and 
unfriendly to these men and women, many of whom are de- 
scended from the missionaries and are bone of our bone and flesh 
of our flesh. 

The distinguished gentleman from Illinois has well said that 
if these people have any fault it is a blind indolatry of their bene- 
factors, the people of these United States, and especially of the 
people of Massachusetts, to whom they are well aware they owe 
their elevation in the scale of humanity and the redemption of 
those islands from heathenism and barbarism. 

Mr. Speaker, I can not hope to add anything to the arraign- 
ment which has been made on this floor of the President of the 
United States and the Secretary of State as regards their con- 
duct towards these people. The facts are familiar. 

The Christian and intelligent people of the islands arose in 
mass and revolted against the government of a dissolute, im- 
moral woman, who assumed to be the ruler. The revolt, accord- 
ing to all the testimony, was so unanimous and overwhelming 
that she and her advisers offered no resistance, but apparently 
at the time fully acquiesced in the change in the form of gov- 
ernment. 

It seems from the most reliable and undisputed testimony that 
the war ship Boston and our minister, Stevens, were at sea and 
absent from the island when the revolution took place. 

President Harrison presented to the Senate of the United 
States a treaty annexing those islands to the great Republic. 
That treaty was hailed with loud acclaim from one end of this 
country to the other. 

And the people of these United States, without regard to party 
affiliations, at the time of its submission ratified it by an over- 
whelming voice. 

A canvass of the House and Senate by newspaper correspond- 
ents of the great metropolitan journals at the time showed that 
the Senate and House of Representatives responded to the pop- 
ular demand, and that a majority of both Houses was in favor of 
the ratification of the treaty. 

956 



6 

The treaty, as I understand it, did not contemplate statehood, 
but annexation as a Territory of the United States. 

We need a coaling station in the Pacific certainly in time of 
war, but more in time of peace. We need a place where our 
commerce can not only get coal, but American supplies of all 
kinds without tribute or duty. 

The people of the islands were anxious to be joined to their 
mother country; and the people of this country were anxious for 
the union, which would give us peaceful possession of so valuable 
a country, and add glory and fame to the greatest Republic of 
all history. 

AH the other great powers appeared to acquiesce in this mu- 
tual desire for union. At this point the Administration changes; 
Grover Cleveland withdraws the treaty submitted by Harrison 
before it can be acted upon by the Senate. 

His next step is to send Mr. B]ount there with "paramount" 
authority over the regularly appointed and elected represent- 
ative of the Government, Mr. Stevens. 

I have very great respect for Mr. Blount; I served with him 
during two Congresses in this House. He is a gentleman of high 
character and integrity; but, Mr. Speaker, he was not sent there 
to act the part of an impartial judge, but all the evidence goes 
to show that under his instructions he was sent there by the 
President as an advocate to establish a case. 

The evidence goes to show that all his inquiries and investi- 
gations were bent on that line. He obeyed the orders of his 
master; he brought back the testimony he was ordered to bring. 

He was succeeded by Minister Willis, who carried in one hand 
a letter from President Cleveland addressed to President Dole, 
as "my great and good friend," and in the other hand an order 
to recognize and reestablish the Queen on a rotten throne, from 
which her indignant subjects had expelled her. 

So aptly likened by Senator Hoar, to Joab, who approached 
his brother with the inquiry "Art thou in health my brother?" 
and at the same time stabbed him under the fifth rib. 

I know not what the motives of the Administration may have 

been in recalling the treaty submitted by President Harrison, 

and afterward in attempting to justify it by the testimony of Mr. 
956 



Blount; but of one thing I am fully assured, the distinguished 
gentleman from Illinois in his arraignment of the Administra- 
tion, in his charges of perfidy, dishonor, and dishonorable con- 
duct toward the Provisional Government, has but spoken the sen- 
timent of the country. 

lean not find words to describe my disapproval of the conduct 
of the Administration in persisting in its purpose to restore this 
dissolute woman (who is said to have no less than three para- 
mours) to the throne; especially is this conduct exceedingly re- 
pulsive and offensive to every right-minded citizen when it is 
known that Minister Willis was ordered to continue his efforts 
at restoration, and to demand the surrender of the Provisional 
Government to her after her bloodthirsty purpose to behead all 
her opponents, confiscate their property, and banish their fam- 
ilies was known. 

I quote here the following from a Massachusetts paper, that I 
think speaks the sentiment of the State. I send it to the Clerk's 
desk to be read. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

All unbiased testimony from Honolulu is to the effect that the ex-Queen 
is a worthless, dissolute, and evil-minded creature, whose rule brought deg- 
radation and ruin upon her country. Her deposition, whether with or with- 
out the connivance of the American minister— and on this point the evidence 
is largely on Mr. Stevens's side— was hailed with thanksgiving by all the in- 
habitants of the islands who are intelligent enough to know the difference 
between a government of and for the people and a despotism that seeks the 
subversion of every principle of patriotism and every individual sense of 
honor and manliness. The spectacle of the President of the United States 
pleading for "justice "for this abandoned woman is enough to bring the 
blush of mortification to every honest cheek.— Athol Transcript. 

Mr. Speaker, I make no secret of saying for myself and for 
my constituents I am in favor of enlarging our borders and annex- 
ing these friendly islands as a Territory to the dominion of the 
United States. 

What would seem to be a wise policy for the Kingdom of 
Great Britain would seem to some extent to be a wise policy for 
us; she has surrounded us with her possessions, with islands, 
coaling, and supply stations. 

As I have before stated, we need such a station in the Pacific 
Ocean. And I shall cast my vote for the amendment offered by 
the distinguished gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. Blair]. 

956 



8 

The following- able article in the Rockland (Mass.) Standard, 
from the pen of Rev. Jesse H. Jones, of North Abington, is ger- 
mane to this discussion: 

Public discussion in the press generally and in Congress has brought out 
clearly to view in detail the wrongdoings in the course which President 
Cleveland has pursued concerning Hawaii, and an abstract of the points ■ 
made may be interesting: 

First. He violated the constitutional law of the land, and assumed to him- 
self wholly powers which he shares onlv with others. For.instance: 

1. He had no right to assume that it was his business to right any wrong 
that may have been done to the Government of Hawaii by the United;States 
minister there, even if it was certain that a wrong had, been done; for that 
minister is the representative of the whole Government of the United States, 
and not a part. That whole Government is the President and Congress, es- 
pecially the Senate, and it was the business of the whole Government to 
right the wrong, and not a part of it— the President. His whole attitude of 
mind and course of conduct from the time when he began his investigation 
to that when he made his offer of restoration to the deposed Queen was ille- 
gal, unconstitutional, a violation of the fundamental principles of this Gov- 
ernment. He assumed that he was the Government, that the responsibility 
of action rested on him only, whereas it rested on him and the Senate to- 
gether. 

2. The above will appear further when we note that he had no right to ap- 
point Mr. Blount as he did with "paramount authority; " that Mr. Blount 
was not an officer of the United States at all; that he had no standing In 
law whatsoever; that the Provisional Government had the perfect right to 
have hustled him off from their territory the moment he landed; that he 
had no right to order the United States officers there to perform any act; 
that he had no right of defense as an officer of the United States, for he was 
not one; that he was only the President's private hired man, with the rights 
of a private citizen of this nation, having come under the Government of 
Hawaii. 

This will appear more plainly when we call to mind the legal status of Mr. 
Stevens. He was the legal representative of our Government, appointed by 
the President, and confirmed by the Senate; and it takes the two actions to 
make a minister plenipotentiary or charge" d'affaires to a foreign govern- 
ment. President Cleveland had the right to remove him instantly, on tak- 
ing the oath of office, but as long as he did not remove him he had no right 
to appoint another over him. So his appointment giving Mr. Blount " par- 
amount authority" was literally empty wind, wholly illegal— an action 
which deserved all the ridicule that has been heaped upon it, for it implied a 
revolution in our Government, and the transformation of the President into 
an irresponsible czar. 

Now, all this and much more that I might write, is true, no matter how 
good the intentions of the President were, and I believe that he had good in- 
tentions, but he, apparently, did not know how to carry them out in a con- 
stitutional manner. Had he removed Mr. Stevens, appointed a new minis- 
ter, asked the Senate for a committee of investigation, when it reported sent 
a message to the Senate, asked for and secured its coordinate action, and 
then had done what he thus by law was authorized to do, he would not have 
trampled the Constitution and laws of his own country under his feet, as he 
did do, in trying to right in his own view the wrongs done to another gov- 
ernment. 

Second. The method which he took to get at the facts was one unworthy 
956 



9 

the confidence of an intelligent people. He sent one man, a strong partisan 
of his. instead of three, in which both parties shonld be represented. That 
partisan conducted a. partisan investigation, which had in it some elements 
of the sneak, arrived at a result right opposite to that stated by Mr. Stevens, 
'who was right oil che ground at the time and much more likely to know. 
An issue of personal veracity is raised between Mr. Blount and Mr. Stevens, 
and the most moderate judgment is that they neutralize each other so that 
the public can not decide. 

But President Cleveland accepts the report of his agent and proceeds on 
his own responsibility to offer to the deposed Queen to try to pxit her back 
on her throne, an act which he had no more right to do than he had to de- 
clare war against Great Britain. Only "by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate " could such an action lawfully be done. Restoring de- 
posed queens is no part of the lawful duties of the President of the United 
States. 

Third. His secret instructions to Minister Willis and the whole course of 
conduct outlined thereby are such an outrage upon international comity as 
to constitute a public crime. 

The following article from the pen of Anvill Sparks, of Na- 

tick, Mass., is a testimony to the truth of what I have said of 

the early history and rescue of these people from paganism by 

citizens of my State — as well as a testimony to the power of the 

Gospel to civilize and elevate: 

Our present interest begins with the Hawaiian Islands as a missionary 
station. The first missionaries to Hawaii were sent forth to their work 
from the Park Street Church, Boston, October 15, 1819. One month after 
their embarkation, idolatry and the cruel system of tabu in the Islands were 
abolished by the joint act of both high priest and King, so that when they 
arrived there, five months afterwards, they found these isles literally "wait- 
ing for God's law; " and on the first Sunday morning following Hiram 
Bingham took this for his text when he preached on board the brig Thad- 
deus, while the natives were gathered on the shore waiting for his word. 

Since that day, up to 1879, 40 ordained missionaries, 83 female mission- 
aries, 26 lay teachers, and 6 physicians had been sent to these islands by the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and the people of 
the United States had contributed considerably more than a million dollars 
to the support of this mission. 

With what results let the statistics of 1886 answer: Fifty-six Protestant 
churches formed, to which had been added 67.000 members. Moving concur- 
rently with this, the common schools, the translation, publication, and 
spread of the Bible and a large amount of educational and Christian litera- 
ture. 

Writing only a few years later, Rev. Dr. Anderson says: "The education 
of the islands is now (1870) sustained wholly by the island community, native 
and foreign. The Government expenditure for common schools in 1869 under 
direction of the board of education was $38, 865. Add to this $3, 929 for common- 
school houses and $2,625 for school books, and the sum is $45,419. The addi- 
tional expenditure in the same year for what are called Hawaiian English 
schools, in which the English language is more or less supplemented by the 
Hawaiian, was $29,128; raising the grand total of the expenditure of the Gov- 
ernment for education in 1869 to $74,547. The pupils of the better class were 
about 1,500. In the common schools the attendance was 5,918, of whom 3,427 
were boys and 2,511 were girls. Somewhat over 100 adult children of mis- 
956 



10 

sionaries are (1870) resident on the islands. They are all Hawaiian citi- 
zens." 

George L. Chaney, after spending some three years on the islands with 
every opportunity for observing the progress and character of the people 
and their social, political, and religious advancement, published a little vol- 
ume entitled "Aloha," on his return to the States in 187G, in which he says: 
"Is it not enough to justify and glorify all that has been done for them, that 
in half a century they have risen from superstition, war, and ignorance to a 
condition cf peace among themselves and with all mankind, freedom from 
idolatry, general comfort, and the nearest approach to universal education 
known among any people? Nearly every adult native upon the islands can 
read and write. " 

To show that the love of education has taken deep root among the natives 
of the islands, it may surprise many to know that these "pagans" (?) are 
well enough advanced to appreciate and support a daily paper in their 
midst, the Hawaiian Holomua, that in high moral tone would put to shame 
any one of our Boston dailies. 

Even going back in Hawaiian history to thirty-sis years ago, we find the 
missionaries saying in their "Annual Mission Letter" of 1857: 

"Our towns are rising; our roads are improving; agriculture and indus- 
try are assuming increasing importance. Our Government in its legislative, 
executive, and judiciary departments has acquired organic form and is 
moving on in the discharge of its functions. Our schools are sustained; our 
islands are being dotted over with improved church edifices. Law is su- 
preme; order prevails; protection of all human rights is nearly complete. 
There is little complaining or suffering in the land and shocking crimes are 
rare; it may be doubted whether the sun shines on a more peaceful people." 

Farther back still, in 1853, Chief Justice Lee, in his report to the Hawaiian 
Government, bears this testimony: 

"In no part of the world are life and property more safe than in the Sand- 
wich Islands. Murders, robberies, and the higher class of felonies are quite un- 
known here, and in city or country we retire to our sleep conscious of the most 
entire security. The stranger may travel from one end of the group to the 
other, over mountains and through woods, sleeping in grass huts unarmed, 
alone, and unprotected, with any amount of treasures on his person, and with 
a tithe of the vigilance required in older and more civilized countries, goun- 
robbed of a penny." 

Mr. Speaker, is it any wonder these people love our country 
and desire to come under our flag? 

The following from a recent address of Mr. William B. Oleson 
before the Congregational Club of Boston I think is sound and 
wise, and will justify my vote for Mr. Blair's amendment: 

The situation is so peculiar as to call for the fostering supervision of some 
strong foreign power under which it would be possible for an efficient and 
progressive government to grow up, advantageous alike to Hawaii and the 
commercial and humanitarian interests of that vast ocean. 

Such a protective relation the United States has officially declared it will 
not permit any other nation to assume toAvard Hawaii. The progress of 
events demonstrates that sooner or later foreign intervention from some 
quarter is inevitable. If the United States insists that no Other nation shall 
assume the responsibility of guarnteeingin Hawaii the blessings of civilized 
government, that responsibility the United States is morally bound to ac- 
cept itself. 
956 



11 

There can be no question but all the Christian and intelligent 
people of these islands sustain the new Government and are 
against the Queen. Shall we cast our influence in favor of pa- 
ganism, or in favor of civilization and Christianity ? Mr. Speaker, 
I submit that in annexation there is glory, and safety, and honor 
for our country; in delay there is danger of great and irrepara- 
ble loss, and perchance foreign complication, and perhaps blood- 
shed and war in the future. 

But whatever views gentleman may take of the question of an- 
nexation, there ought to be no difference of opinion, and I be- 
lieve there is none on the Republican side of this House, about 
the unpatriotic and unjust conduct of President Cleveland and 
Secretary Gresham toward the Provisional Government. 

And surely we can not and we will not do less than to recognize 
the Provisional Government as the government dejure and the 
government de facto. Annexation is doubtless impossible while 
Grover Cleveland is President. And my counsel to the good 
people of those islands is to organize a republican form of govern- 
ment, with an educational qualification for citizenship, and abide 
their time until the times and seasons have changed, until the 
voice of the people of the United States can again be heard in a 
national election three years hence. 

The people of this country can be depended upon to repudiate 
Grover Cleveland and Secretary Gresham with their economic 
and foreign policy, and substitute for those men Republican 
statesmen, not gangrened by prejudice or moved by jealousy in 
the conduct of foreign affairs and public business. Indeed the 
country has already repudiated him and his policy, and at the 
election last November, before his Sandwich Island policy was 
fully developed, the country buried the Democratic party out 
of sight in the great empire States of New York, Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, Illinois, Iowa, and Massachusetts. 

I say to the people of the Sandwich Islands, be of good cheer, 
the people of the United States are at present misrepresented 
by Grover Cleveland. I believe that three years hence we will 
welcome them with loud acclaim as a part of the greatest repub- 
lic of all history. 

956 



12 



Monday, February 4, 189 A. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. 
Morse] is recognized for two minutes and a half. 

Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, in that brief time there is one re- 
mark which I did not have time to make when my time expired 
and which I desire to add to my speech of Saturday evening. 
For the last twenty-five years, since the days of reconstruction 
began, after the close of the war the " shibboleth" in the South, 
the political war cry that has downed all opposition, that has 
downed the Republicans, the Populists, and all other parties, 
and that has made the South invariably come up of late years 
with a solid Democratic delegation in Congress, has been the 
cry " a white man's government." 

Now let us hear no more about a white man's government. On 
the one side of this controversy is a dissolute colored female. 
She has none, utterly none, of the glamour which attaches to roy- 
alty and to persons of noble birth. Her father was a colored 
barber. On the other side, contending for the right to rule these 
islands, are not only white men and. women, but nearly or quite 
all the virtuous and intelligent white people of the islands. And 
yet, strange to tell, at the command of their master, Grover 
Cleveland, his supporters in the House and in the Senate, staunch 
Southern Democrats, the loudest shouters for a "white man's' 
government," disregard all of their ancient traditions about 
white supremacy and the white man's government. 

Mr. OUTHWAITE. I call the gentleman to order, and de- 
mand that his words be taken down; those in which insulting 
and impudent language is addressed to members of this side of 
the House. 

The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report the language of the 
gentleman complained of. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

On the other side are not only white men and women, but nearly or quite 
all of the virtuous and intelligent white people of the islands. And yet 
strange to tell at the command of their master, the great Grover Cleveland, 

the cuckoos in the House and in the Senate, staunch Southern Democrats 

956 



13 

Mr. OUTHWAITE. The language to which I except is that 
which speaks of members of the House and the President 

Mr. BURROWS. It is for the Chair to pass on the language. 

Mr. OUTHWAITE. I simply wanted the Chair to know the 
part to which I called attention as out of order. 

Mr. COGSWELL. When exception is taken to words spoken 
in debate the rules prescribe that the words be taken down, as 
has been done in this case; they do not prescribe that the gen- 
tleman from Ohio [Mr. Outhwaite] shalll comment on the lan- 
guage before it has been ruled upon by the Chair. 

Mr. OUTHWAITE. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. 
COGSWELL] will permit me to say that I was not commenting on 
the language. I was merely calling attention to the words to 
which I objected. I did not propose to comment on the lan- 
guage. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair does not think the language par- 
liamentary. The Chair does not think that any gentleman on 
the floor of the House has the right to speak of members of the 
House and Senate as being controlled by "their master," the 
President. He does not think that language parliamentary. 

Mr. MORSE. Well, I will recall so much as is unparlia- 
mentary. I bow with entire respect to the ruling of the Chair. 
I withdraw the words, "at the command of their master," to 
which the Speaker objects. 

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from Massachu- 
setts [Mr. Morse] has expired. 

EVENING SESSION. 

Mr, LACEY. I yield five minutes of my time to the gentle- 
man from Massachusetts [Mr. Morse]. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachu- 
setts [Mr. Morse] is recognized. 

Mr. MORSE. I desire first to say a single word in reply to 
the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Outhwaite] who this morning 
called me to order for unparliamentary language. I think if he 
will examine the files of the Congressional Record he will 
find that what I said was mild, tame, and insipid compared with 
some utterances from his own side as applied to this side during 

S56 



14: 

the recent tariff debate. Take the speech of Mr. Clark of Mis- 
souri as an illustration, which all who heard it will recall, in 
which he referred to the Republican side as " hell." 

[On page 1906 of the Congressional Record, February 1, 
will be found the following-: 

Mr. MORSE. May I ask the gentleman a question? 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Certainly, with delight. [Laugh- 
tor.] 

Mr. MORSE. If I understood the gentleman correctly, he 
said awhile ago that when a man entered this House by the main 
door and walked down the main aisle and turned to the right, 
he was in hell; and I want to know whether the gentleman in- 
eluded in that description the "Cherokee Strip" over here? 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. No, sir. The Cherokee Strippers, 
who are Democrats, were forced by circumstances into close 
proximity to the protectionist hell. 

Mr. Speaker, I have repeatedly heard the great manufacturers 
and business men of Massachusetts — and they include some men 
on this floor — I say I have heard these men frequently denounced 
as " Shylocks," "robber barons," " extortioners," "gold bugs," 
etc. 

In view of these utterances, I submit that any charge of 
unparliamentary language comes with a bad grace from the 
Democratic side of this House. 

Mr. Speaker, the uncompleted sentence of my speech^ which 
was hung up like Mahomet's coffin when my time expired, and 
which I desire to complete and add to my speech of Saturday 
evening, was the following: 

The Democratic party on this floor has denounced Minister 
Stevens and President Harrison for taking sides, not only with 
the white man's government, but with a government of intelli- 
gence, virtue, and decency, and for siding against royalty, in 
harmony with all our practice and traditions from our earliest 
history. I say after this let us hear no more against negro rule 
and a white man's government, the Democratic party having 
here and now indorsed the former as against the latter, for Hawaii 
at least. 



15 

Mr. Speaker, I firmly believe that were an election to be held 
next week, my State would repudiate Grover Cleveland and his 
economic and foreign policy by 100,000 majority. I tell you that 
the Democrats of the North are disgusted. They do not believe 
in " Populist," " Socialist," and" " free- trade " leadership. Many 
Democratic papers have denounced Mr. Cleveland's foreign pol- 
icy, and every Democratic paper in my State, so far as I know, 
has denounced the odious, inquisitorial " income tax." They 
do not like to hear her great business men, manufacturers, and 
merchants called the names to which I have referred — "Shy- 
locks," ''robber barons," "extortioners," such as has been the 
case frequently in the tariff debate just closed. 

Mr. McCREARY of Kentucky. Will the gentleman yield to 
me for a question? 

Mr. MORSE. I will if I have the time. 

Mr. McCREARY of Kentucky. I want to know if you indorse 
the foreign policy of President Harrison? 

Mr. MORSE. I most heartily do. 

Mr. McCREARY of Kentucky. Do you indorse that foreign 
policy of his which took a savage king named Malietoa and put 
him back on his throne within the first three months after Mr. 
Harrison was inaugurated President of the United States? 

Mr. MORSE. I am not as familiar with the Samoa matter as 
the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, but so far as I know 
I indorse President Harrison's foreign policy. I indorse Presi- 
dent Harrison's foreign policy fully, as relates to the Chilean 
complication, in which he displayed the finest statesmanship; 
in^ relation to the troubles with Italy over the New Orleans 
affair, avoiding war and maintaining the dignity and honor of 
the country; and last but not least, his masterly Bering Sea 
arbitration, avoiding war and making a long stride toward set- 
tling all national disputes by arbitration. President Harrison's 
foreign policy and diplomacy was honorable to himself and re- 
flected glory and honor upon his Administration and upon his 

country, 
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